On day two of the AGTA DYNAMIC Seminar Series, AGTA President Bruce Bridges and CEO John Ford did not step up with prepared remarks. They had talking points in hand — and the kind of familiarity that comes from having made eight trips to Washington, D.C. together.
The room was full. The subject was serious.
If you’ve followed previous Roskin Report coverage of AGTA’s tariff efforts, you already know the broad outline: the shock of April 2, inclusion in Annex 3, and early traction with key producing countries.
What emerged in Tucson, however, was something more candid — a behind-the-scenes account of how this effort took shape. It was also a moment where Bridges and Ford spoke directly to the room, bringing us into the experience of navigating Washington and outlining AGTA’s larger objective: placement under Annex 2.
In their own words, they described what it took to get Washington to listen — and what still lies ahead.
Gary Roskin
Roskin Gem News Report
April 2, 2025 — The Shock
Bridges did not soften the moment.
“On April 2nd of 2025, the administration enacted tariffs worldwide… and there was no longer tax free status duty exemption on loose color gemstones and pearls entering the United States.”
For an industry that had operated under duty-free treatment for decades, the shift was immediate — and destabilizing.
“It certainly upended everything that we knew.”
It wasn’t just the tariffs themselves. It was how they were structured.
“It wasn’t simply a flat tax… it was country specific.”
Thailand at one rate. Sri Lanka at another. India at another still. Rates shifting. Adjusting. Changing. For many businesses, the uncertainty was as damaging as the percentages.
“We Got in the War Room Immediately”
AGTA’s response was not to wait and see.
“We got in the war room immediately,” Bridges said.
The day after the announcement, leadership met and mapped out a strategy.
“As soon as we saw this happen on April 2nd, we got together the very next day at AGTA, came up with a whole strategic plan.”
That plan required infrastructure — and money.
“We employed very well established lobbyists in Washington, DC,” Bridges explained. “They don’t like the word lobbyist — government consultant…”
John Ford was more direct.
In DC, “AGTA has a full-time staff. We have a lobbyist, we have a trade attorney, we have a policy advisor. Those people work on tariffs for the jewelry industry five days a week.”
The cost?
“Our tab can run anywhere from $1,000 to $2,000 a day.”
Ford did not frame it as optional.
“AGTA is funding that, because we consider it a threat to our survival.”
Eight Trips to Washington
Hiring representation was only part of the effort.
“John and I have been to Washington, DC, eight times together,” Bridges said.
They met with senators, congressmen, the U.S. Trade Representative, Treasury, Commerce, and Ways and Means.
“It’s not just go, you shake hands,” Bridges said. “If you had a meeting at 2 o’clock, you would be at 2 o’clock… It wouldn’t just be for a photo op.”
Ford added, “Everybody thinks you go to Washington… a dog and pony show. Nothing. We were there to do policy and to talk about policy.”
Meetings ran 30 minutes, an hour — sometimes longer. And the officials they met with had done their homework.
“These people knew who I was,” Bridges said. “They knew who John was. They had an idea who and what AGTA was.”
The Strategy: “Whisper in His Ear”
Early on, Ford received blunt advice from a senior official.
“The only way that you’re gonna have traction is to have the congressmen and senators… whisper in his ear and write letters.”
From that came what Ford called the “all-of-government approach.”
“Our letters are sent by over 20 congressmen and four senators on behalf of AGTA.”
And not just once.
“We try to have our different officers write letters… at least every 60 to 90 days.”
At times, more often.
“We are pests,” Ford said.
When roughly 25 elected officials repeatedly write letters to federal agencies and the White House, the letters require responses. That persistence created traction.
The Geological Argument
Policy required more than volume. It required logic.
Bridges was asked whether the U.S. could simply invest more in exploration and mine the materials domestically.
“Geologically, that simply is not possible… You’re simply not going to find 99% of the materials that we deal in in the United States.”
Ford reinforced that point in conversations with lawmakers.
“AGTA sells material that’s not geologically present in the United States… and we are a net exporter.”
In other words, the industry imports rough and finished stones, adds value through cutting, design, and retail, and exports finished goods. That distinction mattered.
“That is why we were successful,” Ford said.
Annex 3: “Half a Loaf”
The first tangible result came when colored gemstones were included in Annex 3.
“We managed to get something called a PTAP added into Annex 3,” Ford said.
It was not everything AGTA had asked for.
“We didn’t get what we wanted. We got half a loaf of bread… but where nobody was getting a slice, we got half a loaf.”
Annex 3 operates country by country. Each producing nation requires its own negotiation and agreement.
“If we have to remain on Annex 3… it’s a multi-year process,” Bridges said.
India was reduced to 18 percent. Europe was added. Thailand and Sri Lanka remain central priorities.
The Larger Goal: Annex 2
Country-by-country negotiations are costly and time-consuming.
“Our goal is not to go country by country on Annex 3,” Ford said. “Because it’s costly. Very costly.”
Annex 2 would provide broader commodity-based relief — a blanket approach tied to harmonized codes rather than individual countries.
“Annex 2 is just blanket for an overall commodity,” Bridges explained.
If achieved, it would eliminate the need to negotiate each producing nation individually. Instead of working through a list of nearly 30 countries one at a time, the exemption would apply across the category — dramatically simplifying compliance and reducing uncertainty.
But neither man suggested it would be automatic.
“If we have to remain on Annex 3… it’s a multi-year process,” Bridges acknowledged.
And when asked directly whether Annex 2 could be secured in 2026, he was careful.
“Can I guarantee you that will happen? No. But I can certainly assure you, we will make our best efforts.”
Behind the headlines — and the anxiety of 2025 — this effort has not been accidental. It has been infrastructure, persistence, and political navigation. Eight trips to Washington. Hundreds of letters. Daily staff work. Country-by-country discussions.
The outcome is still unfolding. Annex 3 was a start. Annex 2 remains the goal.
But as Ford noted in Tucson, after a year of letters, meetings, and repeated trips to Washington, “they now know who we are.”
For now, at least, the colored gemstone industry has a seat at the table — and Washington is listening.
